Le mercredi 28 août
2013
7時、快晴、21℃、40%。
朝7時から断水。最近なかったことだ。日曜日は断水がなく、週日は9時過ぎに断水し16時頃回復する毎日だった。
8時、ネット不通。10時、回復。
エジプトの現状は難しい。これから先どの方向に進むか予断を許さない。
軍部が親モルシ元大統領派(同胞団)に対して宗教を利用しだした。モルシ派を異端(テロリスト)扱いすることによって、彼らを抹殺するのが正義である、モハメッドの意思に添うものだというわけである。これは極めて危険な仕掛けとしかいいようがない。
ナセル大統領も同様の手を使って同胞団を封じ込めたという歴史があるようだ。
かつてアルジェリアでイスラミスト勢力が民主的な議会選挙で勝利を収めた後、軍部がクーデタを起こし、議会を閉鎖し憲法を停止したとき(1992年)、欧米はそのレジームの正当性を問わなかった。今回のエジプトの軍事クーデタでも、大衆運動の結果とはいえ、民主的プロセスからは程遠いのである。しかし、欧米はまたもや明確な批判をしていない。
そうした潮流にあって、宗教を利用して、モルシ派を異端に追いやることは長い暗いテロの時代を迎えさせることになるかもしれない。
|
イスラム法典(シャリア)解釈で有名なアリ・ゴマ師は 「エジプト軍に叛く輩は殺してもかまわない」 回教は政治と一体だが、彼と別の解釈をするムフティ(法解釈学者)も モルシ派にはいる |
Egypt
Military Enlists Religion to Quell Ranks
By DAVID D.
KIRKPATRICK and MAYY EL SHEIKH
Published:
August 25, 2013 Newyork Times
CAIRO — The
Egyptian military has enlisted Muslim scholars in a propaganda campaign to
persuade soldiers and policemen that they have a religious duty to obey orders
to use deadly force against supporters of the ousted president, Mohamed Morsi.
Lawyers for
leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood who were arrested as part of a government
crackdown over the past month appeared in court in Cairo on Sunday.
The effort
is a signal that the generals are worried about insubordination in the ranks,
after security forces have killed hundreds of their fellow Egyptians who were
protesting against the military’s removal of the elected president — violence
by the armed forces against civilians that is without precedent in the
country’s modern history.
The
recourse to religion to justify the killing is also a new measure of the depth
of the military’s determination to break down the main pillar of Mr. Morsi’s
support, the Islamists of the Muslim Brotherhood. Indeed, after ousting Mr.
Morsi in the name of tolerance, inclusiveness and an end to religious rule, the
military is now sending religious messages to its troops that sound
surprisingly similar to the arguments of radical militants who call for
violence against political opponents whom they deem to be nonbelievers.
“When
somebody comes who tries to divide you, then kill them, whoever they are,” Ali
Gomaa, the former mufti appointed under President Hosni Mubarak, is seen
telling soldiers in a video made by the military’s Department of Moral Affairs.
“Even with the sanctity and greatness of blood, the prophet permits us to fight
this,” he said in the video, likening opponents of the military takeover —
implicitly, the Brotherhood — to an early Islamic sect that some scholars
considered to be infidels, and thus permissible to kill. Mr. Gomaa later said
the military had shown the video to troops and riot police officers across
Egypt.
In a video
against the same backdrop, Salem Abdel Galil, a former senior scholar in the
ministry that oversaw mosques under Mr. Mubarak, appeared to say such opponents
were “aggressors who have to repent to God.” They are “not honorable Egyptians,” he said.
“If they
continue like this, then they are neither recognized by religion, nor by reason
or logic,” Dr. Abdel Galil said, adding that “to use weapons when needed”
against such foes was the duty of the armed forces. “The heart is at ease about
this,” he said. In a Facebook posting Sunday night, Dr. Abdel Galil said that
his comments were made in response to questions about “terrorists who attack
the military,” not Morsi supporters, but that the video released to the public
was edited to distort his meaning.
Amr Khaled,
a televangelist who is popular with young Muslims, specifically addressed the
question of insubordination in a military video. “You don’t obey your commander
while performing a great task?” he asked, adding, “You, you conscript in the
Egyptian military, you are performing a task for God Almighty!”
Asked a
series of questions about the speeches in an e-mail, Col. Ahmed Aly, a military
spokesman, replied that the military held monthly “cultural meetings” about
broad subjects, including religion. Dr. Gomaa was one of several scholars who
visited “to lecture our officers,” Mr. Aly said.
It was
unclear when the military filmed the speeches or distributed them to the
troops. Segments of them were posted online over the weekend, at a moment when
the government installed last month by Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi appeared to be
demonstrating its new grip on power.
On Sunday,
one Egyptian court opened the first trials of top Brotherhood leaders arrested
in the crackdown. In another court began the retrial of Mr. Mubarak, released
last week from prison, on charges of directing the killing of protesters. His
lawyers are expected to argue that the security forces under Mr. Mubarak were
restrained compared with the violence unleashed this month on the sit-in
protests against the takeover.
Political
scientists say that worries about insubordination are understandable, because
the ranks of both the army and the riot police are made up mainly of hundreds
of thousands of conscripts drafted into mandatory military service. More than
1,100 civilians have been killed in the crackdown since Aug. 14, and many of
the conscripts are likely to have lost a cousin or relative, or heard stories
of the carnage.
As grieving
Islamists searched for the bodies of the missing after the authorities broke up
the pro-Morsi sit-ins, many were eager to talk, and speculate, about family
members who were serving in the police and the military.
“There is a
fear of disobedience” in the clerics’ videotaped speeches, said Emad Shahin, a
political scientist at the American University in Cairo.
“Now we are
going into fatwa wars,” he said, referring to declarations of rulings by Muslim
clerics. The new government, he added, “is waging an all-out war, and using all
the weapons at their hands, including religious fatwas, to dehumanize their
opponents and justify killing them.”
Professor
Shahin recalled similar clerical statements distributed by President Gamal
Abdel Nasser when he cracked down on the Brotherhood after he took power in the
1950s. The Nasser government published them in a pamphlet under the title “The
Brothers of the Devil.”
Some Morsi
supporters have tried to turn the tables, arguing that General Sisi was the
aggressor who divided the country when he overturned a legitimate,
democratically elected government.
But Mohamed
Omara, a scholar associated with the Brotherhood, said that allegations of
religious faith or infidelity had no place in the Egyptian crisis, which was a
political disagreement and not a test of faith — even when the tanks were
circling the presidential palace. “No one who speaks in the name of religion
has the right to excommunicate a faction of those battling in Egypt,” he said.
“Excluding others is not the right stance.”
The first
fragmentary account of the clerics’ statements appeared on Wednesday in a harsh
report on a Web site aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood. That suggested that
at least some of the soldiers and police officers who heard the speeches
sympathized with the Brotherhood enough to leak the information.
Then
professional-quality segments of the speeches began appearing on the Internet
over the weekend; it was unclear who released them.
In one of
the segments, Dr. Abdel Galil is seen addressing the subject of the military takeover
directly: “They speak of a coup. What coup? This is the will of the people.” He
appeared to call its Islamist opponents “preachers of strife” and to say,
“Those are criminals; those are aggressors, and the state needs to take the
necessary measures to eradicate them.” He said Sunday night that these comments
were also edited and distorted.
Dr. Khaled
is seen advising the soldiers and the police not to “let anybody make you
question your faith.” He added: “The day you wore that uniform and these boots,
and you made that salute, and you stood up in your line — you’re not doing a
job for a commander, you’re working for God.”
Dr. Gomaa,
the former mufti, said in a television interview that he had spoken for 30
minutes before a video camera at the military’s Moral Affairs department, and
the resulting video had been shown to soldiers and police officers across the
country “to keep up their spirits.” He said he did not mean to authorize the
killing of peaceful Morsi supporters; rather, he said he was referring to use
of force against what he described as “an armed rebellion against the ruler.”
But he insisted that the unrest since the military takeover amounted to a clash
between two armed groups.
As soldiers
and security forces dispersed the two pro-Morsi sit-ins, journalists covering
the events saw security forces fire lethal ammunition at unarmed demonstrators
in the early morning, killing hundreds within hours. But Dr. Gomaa insisted in
the television interview that for most of the morning, Morsi supporters were
the ones shooting, and that the security forces reluctantly moved in and began
returning fire only after 1 p.m.
“If a
person wanted to rebel with arms against the military, what would the situation
be?” Dr. Gomaa said. “Kill him. I hereby say it again. Those who rebel against
the Egyptian military or police deserve, according to Shariah, to be killed.”